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CASE STUDY: Banning American Parts in Chinese Mobile Phones:  …

CASE STUDY: Banning American Parts in Chinese Mobile Phones:

 

CASE STUDY: Banning American Parts in Chinese Mobile Phones

On April 16, 2018, the U.S. Department of Commerce announced that it would ban ZTE, a

Chinese telecommunications company, from purchasing parts such as micro-processing chips

from U.S. companies for seven years. An earlier U.S. government investigation had found that

the company had been selling telecommunications equipment to Iran and North Korea, in

violation of U.S. sanctions. “ZTE made false statements to the U.S. Government when they were

originally caught and put on the Entity List, made false statements during the reprieve it was

given, and made false statements again during its probation,” said then-Secretary of

Commerce, Wilbur L. Ross.2 The ban sent ZTE, which relied on many American-made

components, into a tailspin. In response, the company launched an all-out campaign to fight for

its survival, later even involving the presidents of both the United States and China. “The Denial

order will not only severely impact the survival and development of ZTE but will also cause

damages to all partners of ZTE including a large number of U.S. companies,” ZTE said in a

statement issued four days after the ban.3

ZTE

ZTE, the target of the ban, was headquartered in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Unlike

the United States, which had a democratic political system and a free enterprise economic

system, China had followed a unique model: an authoritarian one-party political system and an

economic system of central state control, supplemented with private enterprises. PRC was

established in October 1949, under the leadership of Chairman Mao and guided by the

ideologies of Marxism and Leninism. Private enterprises had been forbidden page 463until

1978, when the country introduced its first economic reforms and legalized some private

businesses. In subsequent years, China’s leaders introduced more policies that expanded their

citizens’ economic freedom. However, China’s political system remained intact, and the country

maintained its one-party rule amidst the economic reforms that would catapult the nation to

the status of an economic superpower. China termed its unique model “socialism with Chinese

characteristics,” while scholars outside China called it state capitalism or authoritarian

capitalism.4

ZTE, known in China as Zhongxing ( meaning “China Prospers”), was a partially state-owned

enterprise specializing in telecommunications equipment and solutions. It provided telecom

equipment and software to carriers and sold smartphones to retail customers. Headquartered

in Shenzhen, a special economic zone in China, it began in 1985 as a joint venture of several

subsidiaries of the Ministry of Aerospace Industry. The company first expanded into overseas

markets in the 1990s. ZTE eventually became the fourth largest telecommunications equipment

maker in the world. In 2018, the company did business in 160 countries and employed 75,000

people worldwide.5 In 2017, its total sales reached $17 billion, with net income of over $723

million.6 Together with Huawei, a more powerful competitor in China, it had pushed itself to

the forefront of 5G, the next wave of wireless technology, vying with major Western players

such as Nokia and Ericsson.7

ZTE launched its smartphone business in the United States in 2011. Since then, its sales had

been growing steadily. In 2017, it became the No. 4 vendor of smartphones in the United States, behind LG Electronics Inc., Samsung Electronics Co., and Apple Inc., capturing 11.2

percent of the market and selling a 19 million phones. The company gained on its rivals by

releasing inexpensive smartphones primarily aimed at users on prepaid cell phone plans. A key

smartphone sold in the United States was the Axon M, a dual screen phone that folded in half.

ZTE’s entry into the United States was an impressive success story and the envy of its leading

Chinese competitors, Huawei and Xiaomi.8

But ZTE relied heavily on American components: about a quarter of the components in its

smartphones were U.S.-made. These components included, for example, microchips from

Qualcomm, glass from Corning, and the Android operating system from Google. The U.S.

microchips were especially important to ZTE; China supplied only 10 percent of its needed

microprocessors. Therefore, the Commerce Department’s ban posed a potentially fatal threat

to the company.9

ZTE’s Failure to Comply with U.S. Sanctions

The stated reason for the ban on ZTE purchases of American-made components was the

Chinese company’s failure to comply with U.S. sanctions.

Over the years, the United States had imposed various economic and trade sanctions on Iran,

North Korea, Cuba, Sudan, and Syria, for either national security or humanitarian reasons. It

regulated and restricted the release and sale of goods, services, and technologies to these

countries through its export control and sanctions laws. Since they used components made by

U.S. companies, ZTE’s products were subject to compliance with American sanctions laws. Yet,

U.S. federal investigators found that ZTE had not only shipped its products page 464 containing

U.S.-origin components to Iran and North Korea, but it had also devised an elaborate scheme to

hide these activities from federal investigators, its internal investigators, and its own attorneys.

As early as 2012, the federal government probed ZTE for its alleged violations of U.S. sanctions

against Iran. Federal investigators later found that for a period of about six years between 2010

and 2016, ZTE purchased U.S.-origin components, incorporated them in their products, and

furtively shipped the products to entities in Iran. In 2016, the Commerce Department also

uncovered two ZTE internal documents which seemed to show both ZTE’s illegal activities and

obstruction of justice. One described in detail its continuing projects in the U.S.-sanctioned

countries; the other revealed an intricate flowchart to evade U.S. export controls. In fact, ZTE

continued its illegal shipments to Iran even during the federal investigations. In total, the

scheme allowed ZTE to generate hundreds of millions of dollars in revenues from Iranian

entities.10 The company also made 283 shipments of U.S.-origin microprocessors, servers, and

routers to North Korea.11

In March 2017, following a multi-year probe, the U.S. government fined ZTE $1.19 billion, the

largest criminal penalty ever imposed for violations of trade sanctions. The federal government

stated it intended to ban sales of U.S. components to ZTE, but it stopped short of implementing

this plan. Instead, it allowed reprieves and placed the company on “probation.” As part of the

settlement, ZTE agreed to fire four senior managers and discipline 35 others by either reducing their bonuses or reprimanding them. Zhao Xianming, ZTE’s chairman and CEO, stated that “ZTE

acknowledges the mistakes it made, takes responsibility for them, and remains committed to

positive change in the company.”12

ZTE did fire the four senior managers, but it did not discipline the other 35. On the contrary, it

rewarded them with full bonuses. As a result of the company’s violation of the March 2017

settlement, the Commerce Department issued the ban in April 2018. The U.S. government

order said that ZTE’s repeated deception indicated that the company was “incapable of being,

or unwilling to be, a reliable and trustworthy recipient of U.S.-origin goods, software and

technology.”13

A Blemished History

ZTE’s misconduct was not confined to violations of U.S. sanctions. In other parts of the world

where it conducted business, ZTE had also encountered various problems. In its own country, a

ZTE subsidiary bribed a manager at China Mobile, China’s largest wireless operator, in 2017. In

the same year, the Filipino government awarded ZTE a $330 million contract to build a

broadband network. But the award caused an uproar in the country, as ZTE had allegedly

inflated the price to pay kickbacks to the officials there, including then-president Arroyo; the

contract was later cancelled. In Kenya, ZTE overbilled a contract with the local police in 2013;

this contract was also later cancelled. In Algeria, two ZTE executives were convicted of

corruption in 2012. In Ethiopia, a World Bank investigation found that the government had

awarded a contract to ZTE in 2006 without competitive bidding, which gave the company

monopoly over supply of telecom equipment for several years. Yet the service it provided there

could be irregular: network glitches reportedly happened frequently, and smartphone users

sometimes had to walk several miles to get a page 465good signal.14 (To be fair, in general, ZTE

was known for its good quality and service in the African continent, according to one telecom

expert.15) Ethiopian government officials had also been concerned about the price ZTE charged

for its equipment. (An upgrade to Ethiopia’s telecom network a few years later was split

between ZTE and Huawei.) In March 2020, the U.S. Justice Department had launched an

investigation into ZTE’s potential violations of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA), which

prohibited U.S. businesses from bribing foreign government officials. Though ZTE was not a U.S.

company, FCPA would apply to it if money involved in the foreign bribery cases had been wired

through the U.S. financial system.16

Fallout from the Ban

Following the 2018 ban, ZTE’s major manufacturing operations came to a halt, leaving many

employees with little to do. They passed the time in training and team-building activities and

singing motivational songs, such as “being together in the same boat.”17 Demand for the

company’s products fell dramatically. In the United States, where ZTE had established a brand

through years of marketing campaigns and efforts to cultivate relationships with wireless

carriers, T-Mobile U.S. Inc. retracted an agreement to distribute ZTE’s smartphones and other

products, an agreement worth more than a billion dollars. AT&T, the major distributor of ZTE

phones, continued carrying its products, but evaluated the impact of the government order on

its business. Millions of ZTE phone users in the United States were left with a device at risk of being inoperable. ZTE’s smartphones ran on Google’s Android operating system. Following the

ban, Google stopped updating its Android software and security patches on ZTE’s phones and

discontinued technical support for its customers. Some frustrated users contemplated

switching to other brands.18

In other parts of the world, disgruntled telecommunications network operators demanded

penalty payments for stalled supply shipments. The Italian carrier Wind Tre SpA, one of ZTE’s

biggest European customers, requested 100 million euros ($117 million) from ZTE for

interruption of the construction and maintenance of its network. Paul Triolo, a member of the

political risk-consulting firm Eurasia Group, observed, “If you’re a carrier in Europe that uses

this company, and you’re uncertain about whether the denial order is lifted, you are going to be

re-thinking your supply chain, particularly with things like 5G.” Testra Corp., Australia’s largest

telecom operator, stopped selling ZTE smartphones due to uncertainty in supply. MTN Group

Ltd., one of Africa’s largest network carriers, also considered contingency plans.19

The ban, although aimed at punishing ZTE for violating sanctions, also caught its American

suppliers in the crossfire. At the time of the ban, Qualcomm Inc., the leading provider of ZTE’s

microchips, had proposed a takeover of NXP, a Dutch-based chipmaker, to diversify its

microchips into the automobile business. Because both companies conducted business in

China, the acquisition needed approval from the Chinese government. When China failed to

give its approval, the bid fell apart.20 The ban also impeded sales by American suppliers to the

company. Qualcomm supplied at least eight of the 25 components on ZTE devices’ main circuit

board, including the modem and the power-management unit. The company would page

466stand to lose half a billion of sales from this ban—about 2 to 4 percent of its total revenue.

About a dozen other U.S. companies were also adversely affected. For example, Acacia

Communications Inc., a Massachusetts-based maker of fiber-optic networking components,

generated $385.2 million of sales to ZTE in 2017, about 30 percent of its total revenue in the

year. NeoPhotonics Corp., a San Jose-based maker of optical gear, was hoping that its revenue

from ZTE would jump from 4 percent in 2017 to 5 percent in 2018; the ban would dash the

hope.21

ZTE’s Fight for Survival

Following the Commerce Department’s order, ZTE launched an all-out campaign to reverse of

the ban.

Just three days after the government order, the company hired Hogan Lovells, an international

law and lobbying firm, to influence U.S. lawmakers as well as handle negotiations with the

Commerce Department. Norm Coleman, a former U.S. Senator (Republican-Minnesota) and the

head of the firm’s Government Relations and Public Affairs practice, handled the ZTE contract.

The lobbying firm employed various tactics to influence the outcome. Its political action

committee had already donated thousands of dollars to the campaigns of Senator Lindsey

Graham (Republican-South Carolina) and Representative Ed Royce (Republican-California).

While the debates on ZTE sanctions were going on in Congress, the firm donated to the senate

campaigns of Claire McCaskill (Democrat-Missouri) and Tim Scott (Republican-South Carolina), who both served on the conference committee that could determine ZTE’s fate. In addition, the

company also threw a party, where both Senator Lindsey Graham and Representative Ed Royce

were keynote speakers.22

Over the next three months, ZTE paid Hogan Lovells $1.28 million for its services. Through

Hogan Lovells, ZTE retained Mercury Public Affairs, a lobbying and public relations firm, whose

key lobbyist was a Trump campaign and transition official, Bryan Lanza. ZTE paid Mercury

$75,000 a month for three months to help set up meetings with relevant U.S. government

officials. Altogether, during this short period, ZTE USA, the company’s U.S. subsidiary, spent

around $1.4 million on lobbying to fight the Commerce Department’s order. To put this in

perspective, ZTE spent a total of $510,000 on lobbying in 2017—less than half of what it spent

in just three months the following year.23

On June 7, 2018, the Commerce Department announced that it had reached a deal to lift the

ban on ZTE. Lawmakers from both political parties then moved swiftly to block the move. On

June 18, 2018, the Senate tucked a provision into the National Defense Authorization Act,

which would prevent the lifting of the ban.24 But on July 20, two days after the party given by

Hogan Lovells, Congress removed the provision from the military bill and replaced it with a

much watered-down provision, only restricting federal agencies from purchasing ZTE’s

products. Many of them had already been following these guidelines.25 On August 1, the

Senate eventually passed a bill that included the weaker provision. While many factors were at

play in the lifting of the ZTE ban, the lobbyists from Hogan Lovells and Mercury Public Affairs

boasted privately about the role they played in the Congressional outcome.26

page 467

Senators of both parties expressed disappointment. Senator Chris Van Hollen (Democrat-

Maryland), a proponent of tougher penalties on ZTE, said, “Clearly, they think that this is a good

investment for them because if we had stuck with the stronger sanctions, it would have

squeezed them very hard, as it was intended to.”27 Tweeted Senator Marco Rubio

(Republican-Florida), “This is how #China influences our government policies. They spent a

small fortune lobbying congress to drop restrictions on #ZTE and it worked.”28

The Geopolitical Backdrop of the Ban

Under normal circumstances, the U.S. Commerce Department’s ban on ZTE would be strictly a

legal matter; however, since it happened during escalating trade disputes and increasing

national rivalry between the United States and China, the company soon found itself a

bargaining chip in the trade disputes between the two countries.

A significant cause of the trade disputes was a large trade deficit with China. A trade deficit

occurs when the total value of imports (in this case, from China to the United States) is greater

than that of total exports (in this case, from the United States to China). Since China had joined

the World Trade Organization in 2001, the trade deficit between the two countries had

increased by 11.2 percent annually on average.29 The deficit rose to a record $375 billion in 2017, compared with $347 billion in 2016.30 President Trump had accused China of worsening

the deficit through unfair trade practices and intellectual property theft. In particular, the

United States maintained that China had forced American firms to transfer technologies to

Chinese companies when they attempted to access the Chinese market. In 2018, to address the

various bilateral trade issues, President Trump had imposed a series of tariffs on imported

Chinese goods worth hundreds of billions of dollars. China, in return, had retaliated with its

own tariffs on American exports, including whiskey, soybeans, pork, and cranberries—many of

which were produced in Republican-dominated states.31

The trade disputes also unfolded in the context of increasing national-level rivalry between the

United States and China. For decades, China had benefited from the liberalization of global

trade; by 2010, it had risen spectacularly to become the world’s second largest economy after

the United States. Moreover, in 2015, China issued “Made in China 2025,” an ambitious,

transformative strategic plan aimed at transitioning its economy from its labor-intensive

clothing, shoes, and consumer electronics industries into high tech sectors, such as artificial

intelligence, microchips, aerospace, and self-driving cars. The plan positioned China to compete

head-to-head with the United States and other developed economies, threatening American

dominance in many advanced technology industries.32 For example, in 5G technologies, ZTE

and, more importantly, Huawei, had become the world’s major players. In response to the

threat, the U.S. government had proposed restricting the export of some advanced

technologies to China. The ban on ZTE, therefore, was also construed by some as an escalation

of these restrictions. In other words, ZTE was a caught in the geo-political rivalry.33

page 468

Apart from the bilateral trade disputes and geopolitical rivalry, for years the U.S. officials had

also expressed unease that equipment made by ZTE and its Chinese competitor, Huawei, might

be used for espionage, network disruption, or other cyberattacks by the Chinese government.

Both ZTE and Huawei made cellular-tower equipment and cellphones. Theoretically,

manufacturers of telecommunications equipment could remotely switch off cellular-tower

electronics by using a “back door”—a secret piece of code that could have devastating

consequences. If this happened, it would take several days to restore everything back to

normal. Though such threats were low, according to cybersecurity experts, they were

nevertheless possible. In addition, manufacturers of cellphones could collect various data on

phone users and even record their phone conversations. For this reason, phones made by

Huawei and ZTE were not sold in retail stores on military bases.34 These cybersecurity fears

arose from the fact that these companies operated in an authoritarian political system, and it

would be impossible for them to not cooperate should their government make such a request.

The Involvement of Two Heads of State

Although the stated reason for the ban on ZTE was its violation of sanctions—and not linked to

the trade disputes between the two countries—the ban exacerbated the trade dispute and

elicited a strong public reaction in China. It also became a huge embarrassment to the Chinese

government, as ZTE was one of the country’s few successful multinational corporations and one that elicited great national pride. Less than a month after the U.S. Commerce Department

banned ZTE on April 18, President Xi of China made a personal appeal to President Trump on

behalf of the company. Around the same time, the Chinese trade negotiation team made easing

the sanctions on ZTE a condition for further talks with the U.S. side.35 On May 13, President

Trump tweeted the following message:

President Xi of China, and I, are working together to give massive Chinese phone company, ZTE,

a way to get back into business, fast. Too many jobs in China lost. Commerce Department has

been instructed to get it done!

—Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump)36

At the time of the ban, President Trump was also planning a summit with Kim Jung Un, the

North Korea’s leader, in Singapore in June 2018; the summit would be the first to be held by

sitting leaders of the two countries. President Trump needed to rely on China to facilitate the

meeting.37

In the days before and after President Trump tweeted his intervention on the ZTE ban on May

13, 2018, China awarded Ivanka Trump, the president’s daughter, 7 new trademarks, in

addition to the 27 she had already received in the country; these trademarks included books,

housewares, cushions, snacks, and spices. The trademarks would allow Ms. Trump to capitalize

on the large Chinese market. The timing of President Trump’s announcement “raises significant

questions about corruption, as it invites the possibility that [Ivanka Trump] could be benefiting

financially from her position and her father’s presidency or that she could be influenced in her

policy work by countries’ treatment of her business,” said Noah Bookbinder, CEO of Citizens for

Ethics and Responsibility in page 469Washington, a watchdog group.38 Usually, it took close to

18 months to have a trademark approved. Six of the seven applications by Ms. Trump were

submitted in March 2017; in May 2018, a little more than one year later, the applications were

approved.39

Following President Trump’s intervention, the U.S. Commerce Department lifted the ban on ZTE

on July 13, 2018, on the condition that the company would replace its leadership and allow the

installation of an American team of monitors inside the company for 10 years. The company

was also required to pay a $1 billion penalty and place an additional $4 million in escrow for

possible future breaches of the U.S. sanctions.40 Congress gave its approval in early August

2018.

 

Discussion Questions

1. In your opinion, why did the U.S. Commerce Department ban ZTE’s purchase of U.S.-made

parts? In your answer, please give three explanations and state which one you support, and

why.

 

2. In your opinion, why did the Trump Administration and Congress reverse themselves on the

ban and reinstate ZTE’s right to buy U.S.-made parts? In your answer, please give three

explanations and state which one you support, and why.

 

3. Do you believe ZTE acted in a socially responsible and ethical manner in its interactions with its

stakeholders? Why or why not?

 

4. What power did the U.S. government have over ZTE? Do you think it used its power

appropriately? Why or why not?

 

5. What influence did ZTE have over the actions of the U.S. government? Do you believe that ZTE

used undue political influence? Why or why not?

 

Answer all five discussion questions from the regarding case study.