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TUNISIA: THE FADING HOPES OF THE ARAB SPRING In countries with high…
TUNISIA: THE FADING HOPES OF THE ARAB SPRING
In countries with high unemployment and poverty rates, the nation’s people are often more
concerned with the economic environment than the intricacies of its political systems.
In 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi, a fruit seller in a street in Tunisia, set fire to himself after police
had confiscated his scales for working as a street vendor without a permit. He had gone to
complain to the governor, but he refused to see him. His self-immolation was an act of sheer
desperation. The video of this incident spread worldwide. His death was seen as a symbol of the
despair felt by ordinary people throughout the Arab world, suffering from poverty,
unemployment and, above all, despair, with no prospect of a better future. His death is often
held up as the spark that set off the ‘Arab Spring’, in which people in a number of autocratic
Arab countries took to the streets in protest against their ruling regimes, which traditionally
enriched the ruling elite at the expense of the public good. The incident ignited protests in
Tunisia that led to the departure of President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, the dictator who had
ruled Tunisia for 23 years. This event came to be known as the Jasmine Revolution. In 2011, he
and his family fled to Saudi Arabia where he died in exile in 2019. The road from toppling
dictators to making a successful transition to democracy would be a bumpy one. Tunisia is held
out as having been more successful in democratic transition that some of its neighbours, such
as Libya, Egypt and Syria. But poverty and unemployment, especially among the young, has
seen little alleviation.
Tunisia was under French colonial rule until 1956, when it made the transition from a monarchy
to a secular constitutional republic, with lawmaking vested in an assembly. Its first leader as a
free state was Habib Bourguiba, its independence leader, who ruled as president for nearly
three decades. Despite the hope of democratic elections and pluralism, he ruled as the head of
an authoritarian, one-party state. By the mid-1980s, when he was becoming enfeebled, what
was, in effect, a coup took place. The then-prime minister Ben Ali took over in 1987 on the
grounds that the president was incapacitated. This was held to be within the constitution and
there were hopes that democratic transition would ensue, enshrining pluralism and a multi-
party democracy. Unfortunately, the tendency to a strong state and personal rule re-emerged,
as the new government took repressive measures against the rising threats of Islamists. Harsh
authoritarian rule characterized Ben Ali’s 23-year tenure from 1987 to 2011. An interim
government was installed in 2011, and a new era was beginning, to be guided by a new
constitution.
The new constitution was several years in the making, all parties seeking consensus on the
priorities and processes. The constitution of 2014 was progressive, enshrining freedom of
religion, women’s rights, citizens’ rights and due process. It helped to establish the notion of an
Arab cultural identity that incorporated both Muslims and non-Muslims. But with high hopes
for democratic governance, the problems of inequality, high unemployment and weak social
protections meant that Tunisia was still mired in the same problems that had sparked the
protests in 2010. The IMF estimated that Tunisia’s economy would need to grow at 5% annually
for five years to reduce the unemployment from 15% to 11%. From 2010 to 2017, economic
growth averaged just 1.7%.
The government’s handling of the COVID-19 pandemic led to violent anti-government protests
in the summer of 2021 when infection rates rose. The president responded by seizing power,
dismissing the prime minister and declaring a state of emergency. Was this another coup?
Certainly, the public had become disillusioned with the apparent ineffectiveness of the
lawmakers in dealing with the continuing socioeconomic problems, as well as the pandemic. It
seemed that Tunisians were more concerned about jobs and social safety net measures than
the type of political system. Liberal democracy in practice, it seemed, had brought greater
personal freedoms but had failed to bring better living standards and individual wellbeing.
The world looked on as Tunisia’s latest democratic transition faltered. Electoral democracy had
been fostered by western governments as the route to social inclusiveness and political
stability. But they perhaps paid too little heed to the economic environment. Inequality,
unemployment, the lack of inclusive development – ultimately, these mattered more than the
trappings of democracy. Electoral democracy is a necessary first step but, for democracy to be
sustainable, a culture of democratic values is required, which cannot be imposed from above.
Tunisia’s long history of dictatorial rule has been difficult to overcome.
1. Why is Tunisia held up as a relatively heartening example of democratic progress?
2. What aspects of Tunisia’s history are relevant to its democratic development today?
3. What are the socioeconomic aspects of Tunisia that pose obstacles for democratic transition?
4. Authoritarian governments throughout the world, such as China, are probably reassured that
Tunisia’s democracy has suffered more setbacks. What would you say to them in defence of
democracy?
Each has a 300-350 word limit also connects with E text Conestoga College: The Global Business Environment (vitalsource.com)
